This dissertation investigates the process of professionalization of the Social Sciences teacher education program at the University of Brasília (UnB) since the 2000s, focusing on the regulation of teacher education and its institutional implications. The research is grounded in Pierre Bourdieu’s field theory and conceptualizes the program as a space of institutional negotiation situated at the intersection of the fields of sociology and education. The objective of this study is to examine how national regulations – including the resolutions of the National Education Council (2001, 2002, 2015) and Law No. 11,684/2008 – have shaped the curricular structure and organization of teacher education, particularly with regard to supervised internships, as well as the processes of articulation between teacher education and bachelor’s degrees. The methodology combines documentary analysis of the Archives of the Department of Sociology at the University of Brasília (2009-2020) with ten semi-structured interviews conducted with faculty members, student representatives, and technical-administrative staff who played relevant roles in the management of the program. The findings suggest that the incorporation of national guidelines occurred through institutionally mediated arrangements, in which normative prescriptions were combined with the scope for action of the agents involved. The main contribution of this study is to provide a historical-institutional account of the Social Sciences teacher education program at UnB, highlighting how processes of internal negotiation and normative institutionalization shaped the professionalization of Sociology teacher education in Brazil.

This study is dedicated to investigating university youth mobility within the urban space of the Brasília metropolis. Our analytical focus is directed toward the trajectories of undergraduate students at the University of Brasília (UnB), on the Darcy Ribeiro campus. Located in Asa Norte (North Wing), one of the areas of the Pilot Plan, this campus receives students from various Administrative Regions of the Federal District and from its corresponding metropolitan periphery, in addition to hosting a plurality of undergraduate programs across broad fields of knowledge. Our main research question is: How do undergraduate students at UnB’s Darcy Ribeiro campus experience urban mobility, and how are they affected by the sociospatial segregation between the Administrative Regions and Brasília? As residents of a city designed for cars, these students perceive in their daily lives the weight of motorized spatial mobility in their home-to-university commute and vice versa, especially those who live far from UnB and depend on public transportation. Our objective is to analyze the influence of sociospatial dynamics on students’ trajectories and how the physical space affects the daily act of coming and going for this group of individuals. In other words, we investigate how undergraduates move around the modernist Brazilian capital as they travel to their homes, workplaces, and especially the university. To fulfill the purposes of this study, we carried out a mixed-methods (qualitative and quantitative) investigation, making use of three research techniques: documentary analysis, online questionnaires, and semi-structured interviews. We employed different methodological tools to more accurately understand and describe the phenomenon of urban mobility as experienced by undergraduate students. The findings indicate that the interrelation between place of residence and spatial displacement affects time availability, dedication to academic activities, course schedule organization, university life, and leisure. It was observed that the longer the time spent commuting, the more intense the (negative) impacts on students’ daily lives.

Schools are spaces of socialization in which conflicts are part of everyday life. Drawing on Georg Simmel’s sociological perspective, this thesis understands conflict as a constitutive element of social relations, which should not be eliminated but managed in order to prevent its transformation into violence. The study engages with research on conflict and school violence and distinguishes between these phenomena, understanding violence as the result of social, institutional, and cultural interactions. I investigate whether the main justification for the implementation of the civic-military model, which involves combating school violence and supporting communities in situations of vulnerability, is confirmed in practice. Using a qualitative, quantitative, and comparative approach, I analyze two public schools located in the northern periphery of the Federal District: one operating under a civic-military management model, implemented in 2019, and another with exclusively pedagogical (civil) management, situated in close proximity to each other. The results indicate that, although both schools face similar conflicts, their management models produce distinct responses. The school with pedagogical management prioritizes internal mediation and the accountability of those involved, whereas the civic-military school tends to adopt strategies of control, exclusion, and the referral of conflicts to external institutions. Militarization does not eliminate school conflicts but rather redefines their forms of management, with significant impacts on social relations and everyday school life.

The thesis investigates the relations between autonomy and politicization in Brazilian theatre from a sociology of the theatrical field, arguing that the politicization of theatre has been one of the central driving forces of its autonomization in Brazil. In the first part, the thesis reconstructs the genesis and structure of this field by analysing the social history of theatre and the role of festivals and graduate programmes in performing arts in the production of hierarchies, beliefs and forms of consecration. It shows how the modernization of Brazilian theatre sought autonomy from the commercial model, which was dependent on the moral mainstream of society and, for that very reason, a reproducer of stigmatized forms. National, racial, regionalist and class-based movements of politicization implied both the autonomization of the commercial model and a shift from reproduction to symbolic production. From this historical process, two institutional forms analysed here became consolidated: theatre festivals and graduate programmes in performing arts. Multiple correspondence analysis reveals hierarchies among festivals and four main clusters—restricted, broad, medium and local festivals—in which internationalization and politicization are distinctive features. Graduate programmes compete over the illusio of the theatrical field, in which politicization is reconverted into field-specific aesthetic criteria, while at the same time relating to productions shaped by publishing houses—thus organising a factory of symbolic revolutions. In the second part, the thesis analyses how these structures are actualized in the case of the play The Gospel According to Jesus, Queen of Heaven, examining the moral, political and religious disputes surrounding the work. The different social trajectories of the artists converge in a belief shared within the theatrical field: politicization. Compared with the exegesis of the play, these trajectories make it possible to understand the decisive symbolic operation of reversing the expectations of the theatrical pole and of mobilizing the Christian repertoire in favour of politicization against the stigmatization of transgender identity, through an internal movement aimed at theatrical rules and an external movement aimed at public debate. With regard to the latter, the thesis analyses the disputes surrounding the play through six cases of persecution, showing the stances taken by various political actors as a form of political moralization, in the midst of transformations in the national political game: the symbolic revolution undertaken forces objectification, insofar as the play becomes good to dispute. In light of these results, autonomy was not constituted as an aversion to politics, but through its incorporation and refraction within the field. By highlighting politicization as the illusio of the field, it becomes possible to rethink the relationship between autonomy, heteronomy, engagement and symbolic production in cultural fields.

This study seeks to make visible the stories of women working in the food and goods delivery sector via digital platforms in the Federal District and its surrounding areas. With the advent of the Covid-19 pandemic, the work of app-based delivery drivers became essential in Brazil, sparking a series of studies on the topic. However, the dynamics of the socio-sexual and racial division of labor present in the platform economy led to the invisibility of women in news, research, and discussions. In light of the lack of studies on female delivery workers in Brazil, this research focuses on the female population within this category. During fieldwork, we met members of the group "Moto Brabas," created in a WhatsApp group in mid-2023, and directed our efforts to investigate the profiles, the specificities that affect the profession, and the conditions in which this work occurs. To achieve the research objectives, we used tools from qualitative, ethnographic research, with data collected through in-depth interviews. The analysis and discussion of the data were based on interpretive frameworks developed in the subfield of Labor Sociology and Gender Studies. The results point to a predominance of black and peripheral women who, for the most part, face challenges related to the social attributes that marginalize them, obstacles to accessing the city, and the oppressions that intersect class, race, gender, and sexual orientation. Still, the Moto Brabas have built a network of female solidarity as a form of political articulation to fight for their rights and better working conditions in an activity that, for many, is the only or primary source of income.

The Folia de Reis is a religious festival and popular tradition that seeks to represent the journey of the Three Wise Men, who announced the birth of Jesus, until their encounter with Him. The kitchen is a fundamental element in the construction and development of this event, as it fosters social relations and identity affirmation. Thus, this study aims to understand the relationships, meanings, and potential uses of food as a way to sustain the Folia de Reis in the village of Amarolândia, located in the municipality of Mara Rosa, Goiás. To achieve this, semi-structured interviews were conducted with participants, hosts, and attendees of the festival, along with observations of the preparation and celebration moments of the Folia. It was observed that food and commensality tend to be used as a means of preserving this popular practice, serving as a mediator between biological, social, and cultural satisfaction. This highlights the need to analyze the Folia de Reis based on its connections with regional identity and modernity, whose flexible structure absorbs and reinterprets the practices of the involved social group. In this way, it was possible to observe how daily life impacts the festival and how food adapts to this transformed routine. From a gastronomic and sociological perspective, it was evident that the kitchen, in all its dimensions, is not isolated from the modernization process. This study is believed to have the potential to contribute to the documentation of popular food practices and, consequently, to bring visibility to social and cultural dynamics that may otherwise fade in the face of modernity.

This research has as it ́s object of study the social statements/practices materialized with the use of bissau-guinean manera in sociabilities, and the statements on the excerpts from songs. Based on a documentation of the socio-historical dynamics in Guiné-Bissau, the proposal is to rehearse an analytical totalization, aggregating the components that make up the interactive contexts that will be scrutinized in the fieldwork. The bissau-guinean manera is outlined as a social form in the Simmelian sense (Simmel, 2021). That is, a social organization of experience inherent to a figuration that is both representational and socio-discursive practices. Its recursion in different conversational contexts, we bet, seems to be permeated by this scheme of interpretation of practical judgment as a function of the activation of a disposition in the face of a certain state of things. Among these statements/practices, we present Bissau i assim (Bissau is this way); Bu sibi ami i quim? (Do you know who I am?); Cunsi bu lugar (Know your place); Cabra nundê k ́i maradu lá k ́i ta cumê (the Goat feeds in the place where it is tieded up), both in the spelling of the Kriol language of Guiné-Bissau. The research ́s spatial cut is Bissau – capital of Guiné-Bissau, a country located on the west coast of Africa. And as the time frame cutout, the period between the establishment of the State of Guiné-Bissau in the 1970s, after the national independence, to the contemporaneity times. Its general objective is a sociological interpretation, for which it resorts to a qualitative analysis of content (Cano, 2012; Richardson et al.,1985; Bardin, 1979), in which the planes of semantics and hermeneutics will be prioritized with regard to the bissau-guinean manera using in practical-symbolic exchanges. The attention is paid to the representations that circulate in the discourses in different contexts in interactional situations. The analytical and interpretative treatment of the research object will consist of sociological analysis on its articulation with the dimensional approaches to language (Bourdieu, 2008; Elias, 1998; Austin, 1990). In this sense, with its implementation, it is expected to produce a sociological scientific discourse referring to the introductory explanation of the phenomenon addressed. By what constitutes it as an event referring to the regularity of a pattern of sociodiscursive conduct, it is expected to contribute to the discussions of sociological studies articulated with the dimensions of language.

This research assesses the struggles for redistribution and recognition of motorcyle couriers in Brazil. Specifically, it seeks to assess their capacity for mobilization and collective action in two situations: when objective, material issues related to pay and working conditions are at stake; and when they deal with subjective, moral issues arising from the various aggressions they suffer on a daily basis. We conclude that they encounter many difficulties in mobilizing in the first situation, due to several characteristics of this segment of workers, namely: heterogeneity of the employment relationship and level of dependence on the app-based companies; asymmetry of information in relation to the app-based companies; lack of strong unions to organize and bring the group together; lack of time for such mobilizations and the high risk of not receiving calls due to participation; assimilation (by some) of the neoliberal ideology that they are self-entrepreneurs; satisfaction with the pay and the flexible way of working, without a boss and without rigid schedules; political polarization that exists in the country today, which is reflected in the group and makes it difficult to organize against a common enemy. On the other hand, comparatively, we believe that they have a great capacity for mobilization with regard to moral issues, considering the following aspects: the groups that form in these situations are small, informal, and can be easily and immediately connected through social networks; the cost of participation is low, in this case, given the absence of police repression, the lack of retaliation by the app-based companies, and the fact that the mobilization lasts only a few minutes; these are shocking, repulsive, unquestionable events with strong emotional impacts; there is little division of opinion in these situations; the perpetrator or aggressor is known, has a defined face and address; this type of mobilization does not harm the profits of the companies, and can even help them legitimize themselves before the workers, by positioning themselves in their favor. Our conclusions also converge with Nancy Fraser's perception that the fight for recognition has harmed the fight for redistribution in contemporary societies.

This research investigates the education sought by the New High School, focusing on the Life Project curriculum component, with the aim of analyzing how neoliberal rationality manifests itself in the current educational model and seeks to conform students to its logic. This component was chosen for embodying two basic dimensions of this configuration: (a) as one of the pillars of the New High School, present since the National Common Core Curriculum; and (b) as a mandatory subject in the curriculum. The hypothesis stems from Herbert Marcuse's concept of unidimensionality, which aims to consider whether and how the Life Project influences the ideological formation of individuals by suppressing their multiple dimensions and subordinating them to market interests, especially through the instrumental reason conceptualized by Max Horkheimer and Theodor W. Adorno. The research technique adopted is content analysis, using the 2021 PNLD textbooks as the empirical corpus. To assist with the amount of data, used RStudio, which enabled the plotting of more panoramic results regarding the semantic field mobilized in the works' content. The dissertation also articulates unidimensionality as a "new world reason", as expounded by Christian Laval and Pierre Dardot in their critiques of neoliberalism, establishing connections between the rationality of advanced industrial society and contemporary neoliberal logic. The theoretical framework also includes the contributions of Lélia Gonzalez and Sueli Carneiro, who examine the relationships between education, citizenship, labor, inequality, and racialization in the Brazilian context, particularly through the concepts of raciality dispositif, epistemicide, Brazilian cultural neurosis, and critique of the myth of racial democracy. Ultimately, the analysis presents and problematizes the three formative spheres that structure the curriculum, highlighting how lexicons historically associated with critical social theory are resignified in instrumental, meritocratic, and individualizing ways, emptying their historical, political, and social meanings while reinforcing market-aligned subjectivities and neglecting reflection on structural inequalities.

This dissertation investigates how the notion of “national backwardness” is mobilized in the parliamentary discourses of the Science, Technology, Innovation, Communication, and Informatics Committee of the Federal Senate in 2019. Starting from the premise that backwardness constitutes a consolidated social grammar in Brazilian thought, the study sought to understand how this diagnosis is activated to construct meanings about science, technology, and development. The research employed thematic analysis as its methodological strategy, examining meanings and framings in parliamentary speeches. Theoretical frameworks from Science and Technology Studies (STS) were articulated together with the Brazilian sociological tradition on backwardness, in order to highlight the co-production between political diagnoses and meanings attributed to science. The main objectives of the study were: to map the framings of backwardness mobilized by parliamentarians; to identify the references employed; to analyze how science and technology were positioned as solution, problem, or horizon; and to discuss the limits and potentialities of these framings in the contemporary political debate. The analysis showed that backwardness functions as a “consolidated fact” and is selectively appropriated in the discourses: while both structural and conjunctural causes are acknowledged, dimensions such as coloniality, racialization, and the role of elites are silenced. Science, in turn, emerges as the consensual horizon of overcoming, yet remains disputed regarding what counts as “legitimate science” and to which purposes it should serve. Two main frameworks structure this debate: a Development and Geopolitical Power model, which links science to international competitiveness and market logic; and an Internal Inequality and Social Inclusion model, which conceives science as a public good and  prioritizes equity and technological citizenship. The results confirm the prevalence of the first model,linked to a neoliberal rationality, but indicate that the second broadens the normative imagination by raising the question “science for whom?”, revealing that the dispute over science in Brazil is not only about efficiency and growth, but also about meanings of development and social justice aimed at confronting inequalities and promoting citizenship.

This research departs from the analysis of the film that inaugurates Pernambuco’s Post-Retomada cinema, Neighbouring Sounds (2013), directed by Kleber Mendonça Filho, in order to examine everyday poetics that are not grounded in the discursivity of the body, focusing on the creative uses of household appliances by the character Bia (Maeve Jinkings). Moving away from perspectives that reduce the consumption of globalized objects to cultural homogenization, the study investigates how the diegetic neighborhood of Setúbal (Recife) is traversed by modernization, analyzing how consumer items are appropriated through local meanings, thereby updating power relations. As space transforms, socialization also changes, generating globalized identities that become localized. In this context, I seek to reflect on how the construction of a possible female subjectivity is supported within this time-space. Household appliances, as deterritorialized objects, are re-signified by Bia in practices that subvert their normative dispositions. Her silent gestures traverse the disciplining of the female body, proposing a deviation from the texts inscribed upon it and crossing the boundaries of movement as visibility. This research conducts an internal analysis of the film, grounded in the analytical constructions developed by Deleuze (2018; 2019), aiming to map the agreements and disagreements that unfold in Bia’s uses of her consumer objects.

Gender-based violence is one of the most persistent and complex social phenomena of contemporary society, with femicide representing its most extreme manifestation. Despite legal advances—such as the Maria da Penha Law (2006) and the criminalization of femicide in 2015, later codified as an autonomous offense in 2024—female homicide rates remain high. In the Federal District of Brazil, which maintains a relatively extensive protection network, 210 femicides were recorded between 2015 and 2024; of the total number, 199 were related to situations covered by the Maria da Penha Law. In 67.3% of these cases the victims had not formally filed a prior police report, though indications of prior aggression existed in 65.3% of cases, as reported by the Technical Chamber for Monitoring Homicides and Femicide (CTMHF) linked to the Secretariat of Public Security of the Federal District (SSP/DF). This research aims to understand the main reasons that prevent women/victimes from accessing protective services. The study uses a qualitative methodology, combining interviews with frontline professionals in the Federal District—among them a judge, prosecutors, police officers, and public defenders—and the analysis of three femicide case files adjudicated by the Court of Justice of the Federal District and Territories (TJDFT), which represent different contexts of access to, or absence of, network activation. The findings of this study indicate that underreporting is not solely the result of victims’ individual choices but it is driven by interconnected factors: shortcomings in primary prevention, institutional fragmentation, public-service overload, lack of network integration, and parts of the justice system’s resistance to applying protective laws. Further, gender, class, race, and territorial inequalities intensify vulnerability and limit access to state protection.

This work delves into the ontology and black sociabilities of Candomblé Angola in the Brazilian diaspora, based on the experience and codes of a community linked to the Tumba Junsara Family. Our central thesis asserts that codification (kangar) and overflow (transbordo) are the living elements that propel and maintain the Central African tradition in continuous motion. Codification is defined as the act of organizing knowledge, while transbordo is the community's capacity to accommodate new experiences without losing its ancestral essence. The research is fundamentally grounded in the Sociology of Race Relations and Afrocentricity, staunchly rejecting Eurocentric lenses for understanding the world. We employ autoethnography, participant observation, and dialogues with the elders as core methodological tools. The critical analysis of the code occurs on multiple fronts: in the history of milonga (cultural mixture), in the resistance against religious racism and Nagocentrism, and in the return to Bantu philosophies of Fu-Kiau. We argue that Candomblé is a verb in action, effectively overcoming the imprisonment of tradition as a mere inert noun. Finally, we unveil the role of the Nganga (specialist) as an agent of recodification across three case studies, involving the Jinkisi Nzila, Nkosi, and Tempo. These cases demonstrate how the terreiros (worship spaces) are territories of Black sociability, where the ethic of elder seniority (Telama Lwimbanganga) allows the Angoleiro Ontology to assert and reorganize itself, guaranteeing its continuity in the face of colonial’s enduring influence.

This thesis analyzes the construction of violence in the form of infractional acts committed by adolescents undergoing open environment socioeducational measures in the Administrative Regions of Paranoá/Itapoã and Plano Piloto, cities in the Federal District of Brazil. Based on the theories of social representations and violence, the research seeks to analyze how infractional acts are constructed, the main motivations behind them, and the perceptions of both the adolescents who commit them and the institutional actors responsible for their control. To this end, five specific categories of analysis were proposed for adolescents: i) family, culture, religion, support, and life in community and group; ii) motivations for committing infractional acts, meanings and consequences; iii) licit and illicit drugs; iv) education, abilities, training, professionalization, and work; v) expectations for the future. Similarly, five categories were developed for institutional actors: i) perceptions of adolescents who committed infractional acts; ii) structural motivations behind infractional acts; iii) principles/criteria defining open environment socioeducational measures; iv) compliance with and effectiveness of socioeducational measures; v) roles, functions, and interactions among institutional actors responsible for addressing infractional acts and their social control. These categories were initially linked to the research objectives and inquiries regarding the lack of effectiveness in open environment socioeducational measures. The research involved administering 46 questionnaires to adolescents undergoing open-environment measures, conducting 46 biographical reviews and participatory observations in the institutions visited, and carrying out 15 interviews with institutional actors. The findings reveal that, although the legal framework holding adolescents accountable for infractional acts has evolved in its content and principles, these changes seem insufficient to guide the everyday practices of social institutions or the actions of institutional actors. The fragmented and residual nature of state action in implementing socioeducational measures and public policies remains unchanged. The plural and heterogeneous nature of these perceptions is largely shaped by social, economic, and cultural experiences, as well as the symbolic-structural dimensions rooted in a lack of recognition, stigma affecting certain groups, injustices, and the perpetuation of symbolic power relations that sustain systemic inequalities. The research concludes that a social construction is required to move beyond philanthropy, charity, and palliative assistance in addressing adolescents who commit infractional acts. Such a shift necessitates institutional changes to improve the impact, effectiveness, and accountability of the system that supports them throughout its various phases.

This thesis focuses on the study of the perceptions of children diagnosed with Attention Deficit Hyperactivity Disorder (ADHD), highlighting how, in the school environment, they construct their identities and subjectivities before and after the consolidation of the diagnosis. The research was conducted with boys and girls aged 6 to 10, an age range in which the incidence of the disorder becomes more evident, according to the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders. The study took place in a primary school in Brasília-DF and included educators and family members, based on ethnographic research. Grounded in the theoretical and methodological studies of the Sociology of Childhood and the Anthropology of Children, and anchored in ethical concerns, which are extremely necessary in research involving children, the study assumes that children are full social agents, actively engaged in the production of cultures and the reinterpretation of the discourses that shape them. The data collection involved participant observation, narrative interviews, children's drawings, semi-structured interviews with teachers, and questionnaires for family members. The study analyzed the perceptions of both children diagnosed with ADHD and their peers. From these perceptions, it was found that children's narratives reveal the concept of interpretive reproduction, as proposed by Corsaro (2011), demonstrating that children not only absorb the social meanings attributed to ADHD but also transform them. Aspects such as (in)attention are not perceived by children as generalized deficits but rather as selective, modulated by their interests, the engagement of the lessons, the rhythm and dynamics of activities, and the contexts in which they are situated. Medicalization appears as an ambiguous phenomenon: while some children report improved attention under medication, others frequently perceive no significant changes when not medicated. It was possible to identify a recurring structure in the ADHD experience, marked by both the diagnosis and the associated stigma. Four analytical categories were developed: self-labeling and hypothetical labeling (before clinical diagnosis), ipso facto labeling (after diagnosis confirmation), and ipso facto extensive labeling (when additional diagnoses are added later), illustrating the progression of stigma and its social, emotional, and educational impacts on children's lives. It was also found that school referrals, although based on caution, may reinforce early labeling. Furthermore, the interrelationship between ADHD and the social marker of racial difference was evidenced.

This thesis presents a research on the representations historically constructed by different social groups around two monuments in honor of bandeirantes, located in the urban public spaces of Goiânia (GO) and São Paulo (SP): the Monument to the Bandeirantes and the Monument to the Bandeiras. Through a comparative and documentary analysis, we seek to answer the following questions: who were the agents involved in the construction of these monuments? To which institutions were they linked? How did the conflicts of memory occur in the public space and sphere, especially in the newspapers? Which voices were dissenting? The analysis includes newspaper clippings, photographs, telegrams, letters and other documents, especially those from the BAND Collection – Monument to the Bandeirantes, organized and made available by CIDARQ – UFG. Collections from the Cassiano Ricardo Foundation, the Museum of Image and Sound – GO, the Ipiranga Museum, the Museum of Archaeology and Ethnology – USP, as well as periodicals available at the Digital Hemeroteca were also consulted. The objective is to map the network of agents and institutions that, over time, mobilized and interacted with these objects of political and aesthetic value. The time frame extends from the creation of the first model of V. Brecheret and the beginning of the Pro-Monument Campaign to the Bandeirantes in Goiânia (1922 and 1938, respectively) to the years 2000/2020. As a result, we reconstructed the moments that preceded the inauguration of each monument, analyzing the discourses of the agents involved, which reinforced grandiloquent representations of bandeirismo in the public space. In addition, we discuss the disputes of memory that cross the urban spaces of Goiânia and São Paulo today, highlighting the conflicts of narratives around the sacralization of the bandeirantes in the history of these cities. These data contribute to the debate about the place of memory that these monuments occupy for different social groups — not only the historically dominant ones, but also contemporary social movements (indigenous, student, black), which question the symbolic pedestal reserved for the bandeirantes.

This thesis reconstructs the sociotechnical trajectory of brain–computer interfaces (BCIs) in Brazil by means of a framework that integrates: (i) the dialectical theory of values, articulating scientific fecundity and social significance; (ii) the coproduction idiom, which analyzes the mutual constitution of technical and social order; and (iii) core–periphery dynamics, with an emphasis on technoscientific hierarchies. The methodology combined documentary analysis of STI and health policies, bibliometric surveys of Brazilian academic output, economic data on the medical‑instrument sector, and thirteen in‑depth interviews with researchers active in the field. The findings are organized into four interconnected axes: Autonomies in dispute: Brazil’s BCI work is grounded in inclusive autonomy (assistive applications for the Unified Health System), yet global pressures introduce a competitive autonomy imaginary aimed at individual enhancement and commercial surveillance, which the local community greets with skepticism. Interrupted dialectic: National laboratories show high cognitive fecundity but rarely turn prototypes into products: missing industrial links, limited venture capital, and dependence on key imported components sustain technological dependence, despite some degree of scientific internationalization. Institutional volatility: Long‑term STI budget series reveal boom‑and‑bust cycles that cut strategic lines, weaken networks, and heighten uncertainties about the future of emerging/disruptive technologies. Absent mediations: Interviews expose a shortage of specialized incubators, innovation‑oriented public procurement, robust support for clinical trials, and agile regulatory frameworks, preventing convergence among academia, industry, and the public health system. These four vectors materialize the interrupted dialectic of peripheral technoscience and explain why the global narrative of “disruptive innovation” – alluring in the core – tends to deepen Brazil’s peripheral condition, relegating the inclusive agenda to the background. The thesis concludes by advocating policies and research strategies capable of recomposing this dialectic, particularly a technological challenge around medical sensors, so that the country’s scientific fecundity can translate into tangible benefits for SUS users.

This doctoral thesis analyzes the policy of electronic monitoring in the Federal District of Brazil through the social representations of criminal justice system actors, including judges, prosecutors, public defenders, and institutional administrators. The central aim is to understand how the meanings attributed to electronic ankle bracelets shape their application and effects, both in penal execution and in pretrial measures. The study adopts a qualitative approach, grounded in the Theory of Social Representations, and draws on in-depth interviews, institutional observations, and documentary analysis, with contextual support from official statistical data.

The findings show that, in contrast to the expansionist trend observed in other Brazilian states, the Federal District follows a reserved and cautious approach to electronic monitoring, keeping it as a differentiated measure and avoiding its banalization. The identified social representations reveal the prevalence of an austere punitive rationality that values the classical progressive paradigm of sentencing over electronic monitoring as a generalized solution. In this context, the ankle bracelet operates more as a symbol of surveillance than as an effective alternative to incarceration, reinforcing tensions between humanitarian discourse and disciplinary practices.

By restricting the use of electronic monitoring, the Federal District reaffirms its preference for a classical punitive model, based on a clear definition of the stages of sentence progression, rather than on the logic of expanding penal control. This choice highlights contradictions between discourses of efficiency and an institutional selectivity oriented toward the restrictive use of the measure, underscoring the need for continuous reflection on the social and symbolic effects of this policy.

The main objective of this doctoral dissertation is to analyze the processes of internationalization within Brazilian sociology, taking as its case study the ProgramaInstitucional de Internacionalização, Capes-PrInt (2019–2024). Understanding the circulation of researchers as a key element in the legitimation of scientific spaces, the study critically examines internationalization by investigating how centers and peripheries mobilize the concept and, more specifically, how Brazilian sociology positions itself within this process.The research explores how sociologists circulate among unequal spaces, questioning whether such flows foster genuine global dialogue or tend to reproduce the hierarchies of the scientific field. The specific objectives are: (1) to review and analyze the concept of internationalization; (2) to present and discuss the main internationalization strategies adoptedby Brazil and other countries; (3) to systematize data related to the Capes-PrInt program within the field of sociology; and (4) to investigate the perceptions, trajectories, experiences and evaluations of professors of sociology graduate programs participating in the initiative.The methodology combines a literature review, based primarily on the debate about centersand peripheries in the circulation of knowledge; document analysis of graduate regulations ;systematization and analysis of Capes-PrInt data; and the application of questionnaires and semi-structured qualitative interviews with participating sociology professors. The study identified a cleavage between center and periphery understandings of internationalization, indicating the need for situated analyses. In the Brazilian case, internationalization has become a systematic component of academic careers in recent decades; however, its meanings and demands unfold in complex and plural ways, marked by tensions and divergences between institutional conceptions and those perceived by the professors. The absence of institutional counterparts and a robust evaluation plan for Capes-PrInt have made international stays heavily dependent on the individual strategies of researchers. The research also found that personal and practical dimensions shaped the choice of destinations and the formation of networks, suggesting the presence of factors that go beyond the program’s objectives. Thus, internationalization takes on multiple meanings: on the one hand, it can expand andconsolidate research networks; on the other, it may be mobilized for different purposes. The study concludes that while internationalization programs such as Capes-PrInt have the potential to strengthen Brazilian sociology as an active participant in global dialogue, they can be also used to meet demands that do not necessarily aim at international insertion.

Individual microentrepreneurs (MEIs) are workers who have been formally registered under a microentrepreneurship policy that has been in place in Brazil since 2009. This policy emerged as a response to the economic crisis and the need to formally register unemployed and informal workers in Brazil at the time. With around 14 million new entrants in just over fifteen years, this type of entrepreneurship is moving towards consolidation in the national economic scenario. The workers who formalize their status through it have diverse profiles, but are distinguished by certain commonalities, such as their origin (former employees with formal contracts or former informal workers, for example), the economic activities/occupations they perform (mostly related to their experiences and activities as salaried workers), and their motivations for formalization, which range from the search for income to support themselves, to the desire to be their “own boss” and, finally, the access to labor and social security benefits and rights. Nevertheless, little has been said about the ways and conditions in which these “entrepreneurs” develop their ventures and the circumstances that led them to this framework. In addition, the problems and consequences involving those who have converted to this modality are also highlighted, such as the lack of regular income, excessive and intense work, insecurity, and the difficulty in developing the enterprise and migrating to actual business levels. In this sense, our focus is on the forms of precarious work among individual microentrepreneurs, and our goal is to understand the morphology of this type of microentrepreneurship and its relationship with job insecurity in the context of Brasília, Federal District. To achieve these objectives, we conducted a case study involving approximately sixty microentrepreneurs from different income groups in the Federal District, who participated in five focus groups and thirty-eight semi-structured interviews. For data analysis and interpretation, we used Qualitative Data Analysis (QDA) assisted by MAXQDA software, from which we developed a set of 14 codes that guided the interpretation categories. As a result, we point out that the individual microentrepreneurship policy represents a change in the nature of state policies aimed at the labor market and employment to a character of activation policies, which brings ambiguity, ambivalence, and uncertainty to those included in this policy. Consequently, the socio-professional trajectories of these workers, who already face situations of vulnerability, tend to exacerbate these situations when they are integrated into the daily routine of the enterprise. In the meantime, we can observe the impact that the process of social precariousness of work has on MEI workers in two areas: the macrosocial, which involves the socioeconomic structure and the architecture of MEI policy, and the micro-social, which relates to economic activities/occupations/enterprises, working conditions and relations, and also the subjectivity of these workers. It can be concluded that due to both these macrosocial and microsocial constraints, which intersect with socio-professional trajectories, a kaleidoscope of forms of precariousness in MEI work is formed, both at the objective and subjective levels, which points to multiple and varied forms of precariousness in work due to individual microentrepreneurship.

This thesis investigates different ways in which modern society observes environmental risks from the perspective of Niklas Luhmann's General Theory of Social Systems (GTSS). The central objective is to comparatively analyze socio-terran observations – a term coined to designate social communications/actions that select information and update expectations regarding the natural environment – in three distinct national contexts: the United Kingdom, the United States, and China. The research demonstrates that, with modernization and the predominance of functional differentiation, these observations have become more specialized and, paradoxically, have increased societal dependence on nature. Methodologically, the analysis focuses on the mass media system as the privileged locus for observing the construction of public opinion on environmental risks. Through a systemically oriented historical sociology, the thesis describes and compares the specific semantic trajectories of each country: in the United Kingdom, observations are marked by the resonance of historical atmospheric risks and by a public opinion more aligned with global scientific and political communications. In the United States, controversy becomes a central selective parameter, resulting in public opinion divided between skeptics and proponents of the environmental agenda. In China, observations are profoundly influenced by a reinterpreted archaic semantics and a unique modernization process, where the press operates in close coupling with the political system. The comparison reveals different semantic orientations, forms of journalistic observation, patterns of information dissemination, and degrees of resonance between public opinion and the environmental agenda. The thesis argues that, faced with global environmental risks, world society does not produce a homogeneous response, but a myriad of local descriptions, each filtered by historically consolidated semantics. This research advances TGSS by integrating nature more centrally into the theory and offers an analytical tool for understanding the complex co-evolution between society and nature in modernity.

This dissertation aims to analyze the role played by international organizations such as the World Bank, OECD, and UNESCO in shaping Brazilian Higher Education policies. The study seeks to shed light on the aspects of Brazilian higher education that are prioritized in the reports, documents, and actions of these institutions. Therefore, the aim of this study is to analyze the priorities of international organizations regarding Brazilian higher education policies in the documents, reports and actions of the international organizations mentioned. This work is a quantitative and qualitative study of research, which focuses on three analyses (the first is a literature review and an analysis of important actions of these bodies in the world context; the second one is an analysis of publications between 2000 and 2020 that relate to “higher/tertiary education” or “university”; and the third analysis is a description of five actions of the Brazilian Government and these Organizations). There were many conclusions. Some of them relates to the fact that each Organism had a different role internationally (and in the brazilian case), but it often complemented each other. The publications of these Organizations discuss a variety of Subjects, but it is important to emphasize that they discuss many agendas/events of tertiary education in the last years. Finally, it is concluded that there are processes of influence in these relationships (depending on the interest and profile of each Organisms, in addition to which policymakers will accept, adapt or deny the values and actions of these institutions).

The political kinship stands out as an important and ancient mechanism in the recruitment and maintenance of parliamentary careers, exerting its influence in distinct ways in various political spheres, with diverse nuances in each context and historical period. For women, involvement in politics through kinship is a common practice; however, it still lacks an in-depth sociological analysis. In light of this, the research that supports this dissertation aimed to understand, from the perspective of gender studies, the impacts of belonging to a political family on the parliamentary trajectories of women elected to the 56th legislature in the Chamber of Deputies (2019-2023) and their sphere of autonomy in relation to family alignment. To achieve this goal, an extensive exploratory research was conducted, covering personal and professional aspects, parliamentary production, and public statements in the media of the parliamentarians in question. The comparative analysis of the data, considering the presence or absence of political kinship, sought to understand the particularities and diversity of each parliamentary group. The main findings of the research indicate that female parliamentarians with political kinship have a profile strongly linked to the business and neoliberal class, as well as neo-Pentecostal Christian groups, reproducing the ancient patriarchal model to advance these contemporary economic interests, although there are notable exceptions

Given the struggle of the sociology of violence to provide explanations that properly take into account the influence of racism on urban violence in Brazil, this paper intends to offer studies on black masculinities as an alternative path, based on the epistemological foundations of the "colonial encounter" and the intersectionality, which could provide arguments that fill the gaps that hypothetically prevent studies on violence and security from going beyond the findings about the historical vulnerability of black people to violence, reaching explanatory keys on how racism underpins this vulnerability. First, however, it is necessary to organize a state of the art on the subject of black masculinities in Brazil, because under the hypothesis that the subject studied here does not yet constitute a structured research field, lacking significant theoretical or methodological cohesion, I carried out a bibliometric study on the subject "black masculinities" in Brazilian scientific journals ranked CAPES Qualis A. The bibliometrics comprised 685 texts, published between 2013 and 2023, submitted to a series of filters, resulting in a selection of 56 scientific articles of greater relevance and academic performance, from which bibliographic and textual metadata were extracted. The results point to a growth in the topic in the highest-ranking journals in the Qualis CAPES system, but it still has no significant theoretical cohesion, although it is possible to notice a certain prevalence of the theoretical framework of feminist studies, and methodological practices from the research fields of education. There is a small group of male researchers responsible for promoting dossiers, co-authored research and other forms of promoting the subject in academic circles, and in general, the number of male researchers on the subject has increased, surpassing the number of female researchers on the subject, especially after 2019.

This research analyzes and interprets how dystopias, a subgenre of utopias that imagine socially pessimistic and totalitarian futures, were born and went through different stages of a theorization process that triggered their proliferation and consequent popularization, simultaneously with the reverberations and developments of such fictions that place them as sociological entities within the structure of feeling of late capitalism. I identify them as specific fruits of this stage of capitalism, as well as narratives that behave in a dilettante way and that add different elements of the human sciences in their fictional constructions, demanding an analysis that addresses such multiple characteristics of different areas, when linked to the universes of science fiction, outlining this research as interdisciplinary, with sociology as the empirical basis and guiding thread that interconnects the arguments and developments presented, intertwining cultural studies, Marxist studies and critical theory. Through such theoretical references, dystopias acquired social singularities based on the argument that they were disseminated through the paths of such a phase of the capitalist system, such as the heyday of the cultural industry, in the second half of the 20th century and the first decades of the 21st century. , and the forms of massification and homogenization driven by the audiovisual and its reified historiophoties, the obscure mnemosyne atlas, enabling new forms of the ideological domination of capital, such as the recontextualization of historiographic and historiophotic narratives, and the concatenated instrumentalization of these as a tool of soft power in generalization of totalitarianisms, in the creation of the dystopian inevitability of the total and in the strengthening of the self-fulfilling prophecy that represents capitalism as the only option in the face of generic totalitarianisms. However, as the concept of dystopia goes through its theorization process, it acquires new social, geographical and historical characteristics, enhanced by the translation of these fictions into different media and their languages, increasing their complexities and the voices that compose them, enabling new critical approaches. which now echo old fears and fears, previously silenced. Gradually, technical progress generates a disconnection of the reciprocal relationship between the past, the present and the future, exhibiting the totalizing movements of late capitalism through the cultural industry and generic totalitarianisms that, once effective, are now pastiches of the idea of totalitarianism and are filled by capital's own conceptions, self-referencing, and opening structures of political opportunities. Considering dystopian fictions as aporias, insofar as open political opportunity structures are not necessarily occupied and do not result in social progress, added to the lack of political agendas, they also result in counterproductive effects, which equally does not nullify the existence of a militant pessimism that points to remnants of an impulse in imagining the future.

In the context of the rise of the far right in Brazil, there has been a significant alignment of public security sectors, especially the Military Police, with the Bolsonaro discourse, raising questions about the roots of this adherence and the role that military training and socialization play in shaping the political practices and discourses of these agents. This dissertation discusses the moral grammar of Bolsonaro-supporting military police officers in order to understand the relationship between their military training and their adherence to Bolsonarism. To this end, we start with the following questions: What are the profiles and political trajectories of the Bolsonarosupporting military police officers elected to the Chamber of Deputies in 2022? How is the moral grammar that influences the feelings, actions, and discourses of the Bolsonaro-supporting military police officers elected to the Chamber of Deputies in 2022 configured? In what way were their political actions shaped by their socialization as military police officers? To answer these questions, we chose as the empirical field of investigation the publications posted on Facebook by these parliamentarians during the electoral campaign (August 16 to October 1, 2022) and in the preJanuary 8 period (October 30, 2022 to January 8, 2023). Through the combination of Content Analysis techniques on the posts, we observed that moral conservatism, the exaltation of the leader, punitivism, and anti-PT sentiments are the central semantic frames in the analyzed discourses. The analysis of the relationship between this semantic horizon and the training context of military police officers in Brazil shows that there is not simply a co-optation of military police officers by Bolsonarism, but their active participation in the structuring of this political movement, which is primarily supported by the grammars of social discrimination that underpin the informal norms of policing practice — arbitrary, authoritarian, and exclusionary — which contradict the constitutional expectations regarding the police’s duty to guarantee citizens' rights.

The objective of this paper is to analyze literary representations about the city of Recife throughout the 20th century, using the conceptual framework of the Welsh author Raymond Williams. The Structures of Feelings is configured as a significant cultural hypothesis, with several methodological developments, for thinking about Brazilian literature. Thereby, this paper promoted an analysis of the works and trajectories of important intellectuals in the cultural context of Pernambuco – José Lins do Rego, José Américo de Almeida, Gilberto Freyre, Mário Sette and Hermilo Borba Filho. Around the dilemma of modernization, based on trajectories in crisis, a structure of feelings is revealed that is based on a specific social experience: the decadence experienced and deeply felt by the heirs of a rural way of life based on sugar mills. Ultimately, through the theme of inheritance and generational transition, the authors are discussing the possible paths for thinking about modernization in the country, as well as dealing with fundamental issues for the formation of Brazil.

The aim of this study is to investigate the characterization of the entrepreneurial theme at the beginning of its compulsory nature, which comes to the fore with the de facto institution of the Novo Ensino Médio, starting in 2022. In a comparative way, the first curricula produced by two selected states are analyzed in order to compose a sample potentially composed of convergences and divergences between their elements. Thus, the curricula made available 7 by São Paulo and Pará for 2022 aimed to contemplate, for the first time, the reform of the last stage of basic education were selected. Through a documentary analysis, we sought to highlight continuities and discontinuities with regard to the inclusion of the entrepreneurial theme by the states. The investigation of the materials revealed a common core understanding of entrepreneurship, defined by concern for the world of work and, above all, the subjective dimension of young people, with a focus on developing students' behavioral and emotional self-regulation skills, as well as individual planning skills. On the other hand, some significant differences were also observed in the sample, indicating different pedagogical, philosophical and argumentative combinations in terms of supporting the entrepreneurial theme as an object of training for young people. The curriculum for the state of São Paulo thus links entrepreneurship to the inclusion of students in a new world of work, marked by the presence of technology and, above all, by the flexibilization of employment relationships and roles. In turn, the Pará document focuses more on the achievement of objectives and projects of a different nature, which are aimed at mitigating collective problems and, above all, personal projects. This data indicates the relevance of considering the entrepreneur as a model linked to the advance of neoliberalism, also linked to the expansion of an ethic of authenticity

In contemporary times, education is a fundamental social activity that encompasses and articulates essential aspects of collective life. In fact, the centrality of instruction is most evident in a series of institutions dedicated to teaching, especially in schools. School is where the process of instruction begins and develops, based on stable rhythms, movements, and routines. Like any other social institution, the school is affected and conditioned by the socio-economic and socio-political context to which it is linked, especially by public policies designed and implemented by the municipal, state, or federal authorities. On the other hand, the school is also the space within which numerous actors, with different roles, carry out their work. In other words, the school is a space of experience in which a complex range of relationships is established between different professionals to promote the teaching/learning process for children and young people. Among these professionals are the teachers. The task of accompanying students in their education and development weighs most heavily on them, since it is with teachers that they spend most of their school time. Students are therefore the "object of work" for teachers and because they have a specific individual and social character, they mark the very nature of teachers' work. On the other hand, public education policies for the different segments establish a series of rules and procedures that have a direct impact on teachers' work, requiring them to align themselves with new logics that restructure the organization of their work, and the way schools are administratively managed. In the case of secondary education, these policies reflect the contradictions between capital and labor that have historically permeated Brazilian society itself. Even the policy guidelines for the New High School (NEM), with its proposal to diversify the curriculum, does not escape the structural educational dualism that separates the intellectual and manual dimensions according to the social positions of the subjects, within the framework of the country's enormous social inequality. The reform of this segment, which is still in the unfinished process of implementation, is already undergoing significant changes, revealing above all its mismatch with the reality of existing public high schools. In the Federal District, the picture is no different. The series of changes proposed by the new policy come up against structural constraints in schools and teachers' working conditions. It is within these new contradictory logics that are now putting pressure on the school institution that teaching professionals are challenged to give meaning to their actions and achieve personal and professional fulfillment. In this case, what makes up the horizon of expectations of secondary school teachers in the Federal District? How do they cope with the contradictions and mismatches at school, in a society marked by social acceleration and the constant risk of alienation at work? What personal and collective coping mechanisms do these professionals have to deal with this situation? How does all this affect the dynamics of the meaning of work and the very construction of the subjects' historicity? These are the questions this research sets out to answer.

This thesis has as its research object the process of incrimination and provisional imprisonment of a contingent of people accused of theft in the state of Alagoas, between the years 2013 and 2019. This work aimed to understand the reasons why imprisonment without conviction in the state has remained above the national average during the last two decades, despite the advent of the precautionary law (Law no 12,403/2011), and alternative measures to provisional imprisonment. that this law established, as well as despite the implementation of custody hearings (2015). To answer this question, we take as our object of study the crime of theft, which, according to article no. 155 of the Penal Code, is a non-offensive and non-violent conduct, whose average penalty resulting from a conviction, as a rule, is does not give rise to a custodial sentence in a closed regime, a regime in which provisional prisoners are kept. To this end, we carried out a documentary survey of 330 theft cases in which 345 people had been provisionally arrested and requested their release, via habeas corpus, at the Court of Justice of the state of Alagoas (TJ-AL). The analysis of this contingent of theft cases allowed us to build a profile of the accused that pointed to very unfavorable socioeconomic characteristics and situations of extreme social vulnerability in which these people found themselves when they were arrested. Documentary research demonstrated that provisional arrests were maintained by judges and prosecutors in most of these theft cases and, when requested, the TJ-AL tended to deny the majority of habeas corpus requests, even in attempted theft cases. Our main argument, based on Pierre Bourdieu's theory of practice, in response to the researched reality, is that the social, economic, moral, educational and symbolic distance between judges and those judged, incorporated in the trajectories-dispositions-bodies of these agents, prevented or it made it difficult to form sensibilities and worldviews capable of influencing the decision-making process of agents of the criminal justice system and reducing the number of arrests without conviction. We understand that these distances are the main sociological sources for understanding punitivism and penal selectivity. To this end, we carried out 14 interviews with these agents and traced their trajectories and narratives, with the aim of supporting this argument.

This research builds upon the academic debate surrounding the racial issue in Brazil, especially in the sociological field. It integrates a long research agenda concerning the role of university professors regarding affirmative action policies in public universities, particularly in public law schools. This specific work aims to investigate, from a comparative perspective, the perceptions, positions, and behaviors of Law professors from three institutions in different regions of the country – UFBA, UnB, and USP –, with different histories and distinct paths of affirmative action implementation. To do so, the history of the institutions was investigated through literature about them and the professors' own accounts; the characteristics of the institutions' faculty were gathered from the analysis of academic and professional profiles as well as official documents from the faculties; a semi-structured interview script was developed and applied to 29 professors, and through content analysis, analytical categories about the studied issues were reconstructed using data collected from different research techniques. Through categorizing positions on affirmative actions, perceptions about their beneficiaries, and behaviors during teaching practice, it was possible not only to describe and analyze these, but also to reflect theoreticallyon affirmative actions, their implementation challenges, the role of the teaching bureaucracy in their outcomes, and, more broadly, on race, racism, and social mobility in Brazil.

This research focuses on the provision of access to justice by the Brazilian Federal District Public Defender"s Office, investigating how its institutionalization operates with the aim of providing legal assistance to the destitute and socially vulnerable groups. It explores how the selection of service recipients is conducted based on legal provisions, administrative decisions, and defender’s office practice. The problem inquiry revolves around the definition of individuals and groups eligible for assistance as "needy" and examines the practical effects of this definition on the institution, its operations, and the recipients from 2012 to 2023. By mapping the fields of study dedicated to analyzing the socio-legal phenomenon of access to justice mediated by the state, the research aims to assess which elements contribute to the construction of the sociological category of the "needy" It seeks to understand how the institutionalization of the defense function, initially focused on purely economic aspects (individual need) or legal imposition (legal need), allowed for the broadening of meanings to encompass the protection of socially vulnerable groups situated in contexts of structural inequality (collective need). The paradigms of judicial and juridical assistance, their contemporary comprehension, and how their realization occurred in Brazil. The research investigates the institutional trajectory of the Legal Assistance Center in the Brazilian Federal District. The study employs a qualitative approach, particularly through documentary research and fieldwork. It aims, through the theoretical approach of the dispositive by Michel Foucault, Nicolas Dodier, and Janine Barbot, to gather heterogeneous elements of a technical, social, organizational, and discursive nature. These mobilized characteristics configure the needy dispositive. Consequently, legal provisions at the federal, state, and district levels, pertaining to the Brazilian Public Defender's Office and its structure within the federated entities, will be examined. The resolutions of the Higher Councils of the Public Defender's Office, which establish criteria for access to the institution, and judicial decisions defining the defense legitimacy for collective protection will also be considered. Additionally, interactions of the served public will be investigated through the analysis of interactions occurring in focus groups comprising community leaders of the Brazilian Federal District. This process aims to establish the needy dispositive, which re-orients the institutional purposes of the organization.

This thesis contributes to the studies of power relations in the National Congress, regarding race and gender, in addition to proposing a sociological methodology to ethnograph legislative processes in Brazil. Through Michel Foucault's device category, others were articulated, namely, the race device, the gender device and the legal device, to carry out ethnographies of the legislative processes of drafting Maria da Penha Law and Racism Law, using the techniques of discourse analysis and content analysis of both the original laws and the bills to modify them over the years 1989 to 2022. As a result, it was observed that both for the feminist agenda and for the racial agenda, elements of the gender and race device converged referring to the importance of the activism of feminist and black movements in the National Congress; the invocation of "human rights" discourses; the need to use cohesion, coherence and plenty of argumentative reasoning to attack the structures of patriarchy and whiteness; the little consideration of the intersectional aspect in the diverse racial and feminine experiences of victims of domestic violence and racism; and distrust in the justice system to apply laws from a gender and race perspective. In the end, it is proposed to create an analytical category of the device of patriarchal whiteness with the aim of deepening the studies of social relations of race and gender in Brazil, whose elements are the lack of commitment to cohesion and argumentative coherence; adaptive persistence in maintaining a position of power; confidence in the uneven functioning of institutions; the standardization of existences and denial of pluralities; the appropriation of public space as an extension of private space; the discourse of “meritocracy” and the defense of absolute “freedom of expression”.

This thesis aims to examine socio-environmental conflicts over water in the RiverCorrente basin, considering the perspective that interprets them as ontological conflicts. In November 2017, in the municipality of Correntina, Bahia, large farms owned by the Igarashi group were targeted by actions from groups and social movements organized to protest against the lowering of the river water levels in the region. This event marked an explicit clash related to the waters of the RiverCorrente basin, one of the main tributaries of the São Francisco River in the western region of Bahia state. Based on this issue, this work seeks to construct a reflection on the forms of elaboration of water conflicts by different actors involved in their construction. Utilizing a methodology of documentary analysis, materials gathered by distinct groups that shape the dispute over the waters of Western Bahia were selected – including both surface waters from the RiverCorrente basin and underground waters from the Urucuia Aquifer System. It is possible to identify two discursive fields of action, represented on one side by the Bahia Association of Farmers and Irrigators – AIBA, and on the other by the National Campaign in Defense of the Cerrado. Through the elaborations of different actors, the terms that shape the conflict are disputed, as these are expressions that enact reality and come into conflict. Consequently, a research was conducted aimed at identifying the expressions of the different debates about the conflicts and their related issues, such as governance, ecology, and territoriality. In this manner, the ontological characteristic of water conflicts and the reflections that can be constructed from this form of understanding the socio-environmental issue are highlighted.

Given the objectively insufficient conditions in which certain groups of workers are inserted, how does the spirit of our time mobilize concepts, feelings, and values in order to justify an orderly state of affairs? Given the productive restructuring since the 1970s and the most recent frontiers of new forms of work, two groups of professionals were approached: individual microentrepreneurs and app drivers. For the purpose of this analysis, the concepts of positive and negative freedom from classical liberalism were revisited, that is, how being free translates into this dual condition of the worker who intends to achieve the autonomy to do what he wants, while understanding his material condition from the perspective of continuous interference from external actors. Furthermore, the new guises of classical liberalism also translate into a delegitimization of public spaces of dispute, that is, into a feeling of distrust of any institutionality or collective grouping. It is on this stage that neoliberalism develops as an element of justification, that is, from a movement of individual aspects such as autonomy and responsibility to the distrust of collective aspects of dispute. The various instruments of legitimation and justification that permeate the discourses of freedom, responsibility and justice are condensed into moral valuations that are elevated to the status of values of the common good. This hierarchy of values is constructed beyond a rationality restricted to aspects of cognition, given that the affects and moralities to which these workers are subjected are continually moved. Thus, when approaching workers who are subjected to new forms of management and control of working time, we analyze how the processes of justification are consolidated especially from a hierarchy of values on a scale of morality.

This study examines the period of the covid-19 pandemic through online discourses produced by profiles linked to Bolsonaro between 2020 and early 2022. During this period, covid-19 became an inescapable social fact influencing, beyond health, numerous areas of social life: work, leisure, politics, the economy, etc. The data were analyzed using multidimensional text analysis enabled by the IRaMuTeQ program. Among the constructed analyses, it was possible to observe the themes (lexicographic analysis), as well as their contextualization (representational analysis), addressed by Bolsonaro and other government members throughout the period studied. Furthermore, the proposed methodological approach for data construction and analysis is guided by the perspective of the Social Representations Theory. SRT helps support theoretical tools, such as the processes of objectification and anchoring, which make explicit the mechanisms of circulation of social representations about covid19 during the period. The focus is on the argument that, as a communication and health policy aimed at managing covid-19, the Jair Bolsonaro government actively, consciously, and adequately for contemporary means of communication, sought to produce a forced endemism of the covid-19 pandemic. The goal of the far-right policies adopted in Brazil was the forced normalization of the pandemic state of emergency by communication strategies and the semiotic fabrication of legitimacy for those responsible for its management. It is from this work of managing fear, despair, moral panic, and ultimately, death that the approximation proposed here between hiv/aids and covid-19 is configured.

This dissertation analyzes the advice given by specialists in public hearings held to support decision-making on the general environmental licensing law, which took place in the Chamber of Deputies and the Federal Senate between 2019 and 2022. A systematic observation and discourse analysis of the 54 experts present at the 13 meetings held was carried out. In the light of the Social Studies of Science and Technology (ESCT), the objective of the research contemplates two important questions: first, to understand the discursive strategies used by the specialists in the construction of their role of authority and guarantee of credibility within the debates in the public hearings, which were called “credibility strategies”; and, second, to identify the frameworks and justifications given to the proposals under discussion, through the methodology of interpretive packages (Gamson, 1981; 1987), to understand values and representations in dispute. That said, the research sought to map the scenario of public hearings by describing the process of selecting experts and conducting meetings. In addition, the specialists were organized into sectors according to the institution to which they belong, with the intention of analyzing the similarities and differences between the sectors. In the end, all five sectors identified in the research mobilize the same credibility strategies, but distanced themselves in relation to the frameworks and positions around the bill. The results showed that there is a pattern in the use of credibility strategies by expert advice. They position themselves as “spokespersons” for the institutions, mobilize “credentials” and behave according to a “debate etiquette”, with the intention of building their authoritative role on the subject, demarcating what is considered valid or not and seeking that its recommendations are met. Also, the results show how the narratives of experts from different sectors are in a field of dispute, where some defend changes linked to the idea of economic development and modernization - connected to the interpretative packages of the Role of the State and Operational Feasibility -, while others have a vision focused on the preservation of the environment and social values – interpretative packages of the Rights of Traditional Peoples and Communities, Underestimation of Social Impacts and Role of the State. Thus, there are sectors that favor the economic or social or environmental sphere of environmental licensing to the detriment of others, depending on their values and representations of reality. Finally, it systematizes the speeches of the experts present in the debate on the new legal framework for environmental licensing in Brazil with the intention of registering what was in dispute within the process in which one of the greatest instruments of environmental management in Brazil may have been modified. Thus, it will be able to contribute, on the one hand, to future evaluations of modifications and innovations if the project is approved, and, on the other hand, to propose new paths, if the project is not approved.

The research deals, above all, with the documentation of the performance of graffiti women in the Federal District and surroundings between the years 2001 and 2022. For this, intersectionality is used (COLLINS and BILGE, 2021; COLLINS, 2022, COLLINS, 2019) as an analysis tool, especially with regard to power relations. Furthermore, researchs on the acting of women in graffiti are used (SILVA, 2008; MORENA, 2011; LIMA, 2015; PINHEIRO, 2015; VASCONCELOS, 2015; FREITAS, 2017; FIGUEIREDO, 2019; FREITAS, 2019; SOUZA, 2019; DA SILVA, 2019) as a theoretical basis. The methodologies used are questionnaire, semi-structured interview and observant participation (VARGAS, 2008 apud FERREIRA, 2020). Thus, the graffiti women’s performance is described, the main challenges faced by them are presented, as well as the strategies undertaken to overcome them. Finally, the paths taken by the graffiti women to build a dialogue with the local government are highlighted.

"This dissertation seeks to follow a path contrary to that commonly adopted when it comes to the relationship between youth and political participation. In this sense, instead of investigating what keeps young people away from conventional politics and what explains their low engagement and interest in this form of political action, it is more directly concerned with what leads young people today to participate in organized politics in a context that produces individualistic subjectivities. To this end, an empirical study was conducted with university students from the University of Brasília (UnB), who integrated the student organizations A Gente que Lute and Aliança pela Liberdade, formed for the election of the student representation space's board of the Central Directory of Students (DCE) Honestino Guimarães in 2019, a period that represents the last polarized student electoral dispute that occurred at the university. With the purpose of answering the following questions: What is the profile of young UnB students who are interested in and engaged in institutional university politics? What motivates them to act in this institutional politics, as well as which affects are mobilized for the exercise of this activity? In this sense, the investigative operation moves along two axes: 1) Understanding what made these young people mobilize to join the political group; 2) What these young people wanted from these groups. It is concluded that the experiences of how each research participant arrived at the political group are diverse and singular because they are inherently related to the environments in which each circulates, with the relationships that each weaves. However, the common point between them that makes it possible to understand the polarized stance between the groups lies in the moral grammar they use to judge the university environment and its problems, the role of the DCE, and the function of the university.”

Patricia Hill Collins is a leading American sociologist whose work focuses on an analysis of power. The hypothesis of this work is that Collins conceives the idea of power as a way not only to identify injustices, but to resist them. We seek to understand, from a bibliographic review, three questions: the paths that the author takes to analyze power, her understanding of how power operates and how to resist differences in power. In the first chapter, we present the theoretical-methodological aspects that, in our view, provide the basis for Collins' analysis of power, namely, the collective point of view of black women; the tension between lived experience and traditional sociology; and intersectionality. In the second chapter, we analyze the theme of power more directly, showing how Collins articulates the idea of a matrix of domination to propose the heuristic of the domains of power: structural, disciplinary, cultural and interpersonal. We also understand the idea of dialectic between oppression and resistance proposed by the author. Finally, in the last chapter we present how Collins articulates the idea of resistance from the idea of community, as the space where people experience power relations, and critical pedagogy. To address these issues, we resort to the author's reading of racism as a system of power, specifically the ideology of colorblind racism. We conclude that Collins understands power from intersecting relationships between systems based on race, class, gender, nation and sexuality. These relations, which Collins analyzes both from the point of view of domination, but also from the point of view of resistance, are organized from the matrix of domination and the four domains of power. Understanding the forms of domination that promote injustice and social inequalities is a way to think more broadly about ways of breaking with domination systems. 

This is a case study on the social bonds of homeless people with public health and social assistance policies, in the Administrative Region (RA) São Sebastião - Federal District (DF). The central problem of the research is the quality of public policies for homeless. The general objective is to characterize and understand homelessness based on identifiable patterns of social attachment, paying special attention to public policies. This objective unfolds into three specific objectives: 1) map and analyze the global configuration of homeless social ties; 2) map and analyze, with greater specificity, the dynamics of connection with public policies; 3) verify how the regulatory action of links with public policies manifests itself, observing how processes of stigmatization and selectivity affect this action. The relational approach to poverty was mobilized (PAUGAM, 1996, 2003, 2017; PAUGAM ET AL., 1999; SIMMEL, 1998), the theory of social bonds (GUIMARÃES, PAUGAM E PRATES, 2020; PAUGAM, 2017; ROCHA E LEAL , 2022) and the theory of sub-citizenship (SOUZA, 2009, 2012), to investigate the existence of possible discriminatory conditions in the connection of homeless in public policies in the city. The relational approach to poverty allows us to understand the socio-historical forms of networks of interdependence between the poor and society, in a broad configuration of economic and cultural changes. Combined with the theory of social bonds, this approach made it possible to understand the dynamics of homeless social bonds, with special attention to citizenship bonds. The research was conducted based on interviews with homeless, bringing to light the address situations of the interviewees as a moderating mechanism of their links with public policies. As a result, four major patterns were identified: 1) homeless hosted in institutional shelters are more likely to have access to CREAS and benefits from the Union and the Government of the Federal District, such as Basic Health Care (BHC), from than those not sheltered; 2) homeless without an address are less likely than those with their own address and shelter address to access CREAS and benefits, such as BHC. 3) homeless with their own address are less likely than those sheltered to have the same access, although they still have an advantage compared to those without an address; 4) among the people with the least probability of being linked to public policies, those who, having started to have their own address, explain this transition by the recovery of organic participation links. The results allow us to infer that the stigma of homelessness hierarchizes the connection in public policies and creates the environment conducive to the development of a condition of sub-citizenship.

This work investigates the presence of black authors in the catalog of 15 publishers, located on the  Rio de Janeiro-São Paulo axis, between the years 2011 and 2021. Through a quantitative survey and interviews with four editors, from different companies , it was possible to map the practices, values and behaviors adopted in the publishing market in relation to the publication of black authors. Publishers were grouped into small, medium and large, given the number of authors in their catalog and the length of time the company ha existed. Using four axes of analysis: identity and gender, year of publication, nationality and literary genre, it was possible to cross-reference the data collected to understand the multiple challenges faced by black authors based on their living conditions, work and origin. This investigation observes the recent transformations experienced by the literary market, amid social mobilizations and the application of public policies aimed at the black population. From a racial perspective, it discusses the construction of a catalogue, the editorial approach and outlook of publishers, as well as the curation dynamics and networks established by companies and their editors, to precisely understand the nuances and impacts of race in the institutionalization of practices of Brazilian whiteness in the literary market.

The objective of this work is to analyze the feminization process in the distance tutoring activity of the Open University of Brazil (UAB) system, instituted by Decree No. 5,800, on June 8, 2006, of the Ministry of Education (MEC), being the most evident and substantial public policy for distance higher education in the country (FERREIRA; CARNEIRO, 2015), which aims to promote the democratization and internalization of higher education in the country, with priority for the training of teachers in the basic network of the states, municipalities and the Federal District, based on the assumption that the so-called activity is a teaching activity, that
the composition of the enlisted workforce is composed of a significant part of teachers, in particular, by teachers from the basic public education network and, to a lesser extent, by teachers from the public education network, foundation of private education. To fulfill this purpose, data from the Coordination for the Improvement of Higher Education Personnel (CAPES) database, SisUAB, were used, through a request via Law No. 12,527/2011, the Access to Information Act, in accordance with the provisions of Law No. 13,709/2018, General Law for the Protection of Personal Data, whose data refer to the years 2006 to 2021, corresponding to more than 96,639 links only of tutors and distance tutors, with 62,615 female links and 34,024 male links, confirming thus the thesis of the feminization of labor activity. A research questionnaire was also applied via Google Docs to professionals who were working or who had already worked in distance tutoring in previous years, reaching 2,210 respondents. The objective of the two research techniques employed were: to trace the socio-professional profile of this labor contingent, with emphasis on their sexual composition and the presence of teachers,
and, above all, teachers from the basic education network. The results extracted from SisUAB data and the applied questionnaire allowed us to achieve success in our propositions, since the work activity proved to be mostly feminized, made up of about 40% of teachers in the basic education network, its gender composition reaches 69.88% of teachers and 30.12% of teachers, as well as presenting the main socio-professional characteristics of this expressive laborcontingent and the conditions under which the work is carried out. We theoretically refer to the object of investigation from the configuration of feminization in the world of work, with emphasis on teaching work, using the sociology of work and gender, from the classic contributions to the theme in Engels and Marx, tracing the course of institutionalization of studies on women by sociology in Brazil, analyzing the implications of gender beyond the gender composition of the teaching category of tutoring, since the use of the gender concept, as an explanatory category of analysis, enables the understanding of the elements traditionally associated with the asymmetries that define the female condition in the world of work. We resorted to Marxian historical and dialectical materialism, since dialectics provides the bases for a dynamic and totalizing interpretation of reality, since for Marx, reality is a dynamic and contradictory process inseparable from praxis, since this perspective allows analyzing the relations of classes and sex relations or gender relations as coextensive, since both are structuring and fundamental relations of capitalist society.

The thesis aims to analyze the production of the city of Sol Nascente and Pôr do Sol/DF. The period analyzed was approximately two decades, starting in 1998 (when the installments of the farms began) until the year 2019 (with the creation of the Região Administrativa do Sol Nascente e do Pôr do Sol). I understand the production of the city as a dynamic that involves the composition of multiple scales, associating categories, people, institutions and things (documents, infrastructure). Seeking to account for these multiple scales, the thesis uses varied research sources (fieldwork, documentary analysis, interviews and analysis of reports).
I argue that the production of space in the Sol Nascente e Pôr do Sol occurred in an intermittent movement between autoconstruction (latin american term for constructed step-by-step) and urban planning. These two forms of production engender distinct temporalities, the time of self-construction and the time of urban planning. Contrary to the theories of absence of the State in the production of the aforementioned localities, the presence of the State manifested itself in different ways from the constitution of the two localities until their consolidation.

This paper investigates how the trajectories of indigenous women in Brazilian universities are developed and intertwined. It is grounded on the decolonial and intersectional perspective for the analytical understanding of the confrontation with the coloniality of being, of knowledge and of power in order to address, in its importance and complexity, the admission and the presence of the indigenous women's body-territory in Brazilian universities, especially in post-graduate studies (in master's and doctoral courses) and teaching, which is when they are immersed in the world of research and scientific production. The meanings of the demarcation of the academic territory are considered from the double dimension of their experiences: the expressed insurgency in their words and attitudes, which rise daily and mark their own trajectories during their courses and academic life, and the resistance embodied in the collective affirmation of identity, ancestral ethnic knowledge and commitment to their original communities. Once they have been enrolled in higher education, as body-territories, indigenous women are challenged to persist in institutions that still do not think of themselves from the perspective of and together with the Indigenous Peoples that are part of them. Furthermore, it was noted that the production of indigenous-authored knowledge is deeply rooted in their cultures, contributing to the conservation and updating of their cosmovisions and community values in movements of ethnic self-affirmation and fight for their lands.  Throughout these pages, it is discussed that the attempts to erase  their knowledge and extinguish Indigenous Peoples were stories directly experienced by indigenous women. Violence against them must be understood in the context of the processes that have been inflicted upon their bodies, but as they are organizing themselves in movements of resistance and re- existence, the dictates of power are being confronted and weakened. After all, they not only resist colonial-modern oppressions, but also re-exist, that is, they reinvent themselves as scholars, strongly contributing to the germination of a new society.

The objective of this research is to understand the interrelationships and interdependencies of the constitution of Brazilian cinemas from the point of view of international relations. In this case, within the scope of cultural circulation and knowledge, the circulation of Brazilian works and directors in the international film festivals of Berlin, Cannes, Rotterdam and Venice from 2000 to 2019 is investigated in order to identify the Brazilian directors who frequent these spaces, their discourses and definitions (theoretical and practical) about Brazilian cinemas since the global interweaving. It considers the questions raised about the development of long-term social processes (Elias, 2006 [2002]) to think about the materialization of institutions, audiovisual markets, public policies, training environments, criticism, film clubs and festivals that make up Brazilian cinemas over the years. The analysis of the directors and the meanings of their film works is constructed from a figuration of interdependence between establishedoutsiders (Elias and Scotson, 2000 [1994]). It is based on two assumptions (a) access to culture and education policies aimed at cultural diversity and to technologies and techniques for producing audiovisual works allowed the emergence of a generation of audiovisual directors from different backgrounds from those who used to circulate in the national audiovisual (elite and middle classes) in this period and (b) in a globalized society, international film festivals are privileged spaces for meetings between government institutions, industries, filmmakers and audiences where they operate, reflect and interact. define paradigms for cinema. The results demonstrate (a) the construction of institutions and public policies that aim to circulate in international film festivals, (b) the aesthetic-political results of Brazilian films are negotiated with what is expected of a festival film originating from a Latin American country, (c) policies for cultural diversity, within the framework of international festivals held in Europe, generate new forms of film production and distribution based on cooperation in co-productions and audiovisual laboratories, (d) open to possibility for the “new” in the first two decades of the 2000s in international festivals based on the themes of film works and not just from an authorial point of view. These results update the complexities inscribed in the dynamics of cultural circulation and knowledge and demonstrate the emergence of cinemas that, despite being inscribed in a nation-state, are crossed by global issues that involve new configurations of production systems and possibilities for international dialogue from the recognition policies.

The research investigated the self-attributed representations of femininity by 10 cis women interviewed about their experiences with breast cancer, particularly with regard to the surgical procedure of breast reconstruction. The collaborators shared their illness experience, going through the trajectory about the care of the self, the incorporation of preventive practices, from diagnosis to treatment, and the implications of mastectomy, when such a procedure is indicated, on body image. The reports contributed to an interpretation of femininity associated with self-esteem, motherhood, sexuality and institutional relationships. It was possible to understand reconstructions of femininity in experiences with the medical field and the support and protection network, implied in a set of interpellations, hegemonically constitutive of a "pink culture", with effects on self-identification as oncological patients, care of the self and body perceptions. Thus, femininity is crossed in such a way as to characterize a permanent struggle for healing, in the "battle" for survival, followed by protocol exams, and in the embodiment of other meanings of the breasts according to guaranteed aesthetic procedures. Hence, femininity as a social suffering. If there is a hegemonic representation given the orientation of a surgical intervention with a silicone implant, breast reconstruction will not mean the guarantee of femininity, as expressed in the legislation, but a state of soul, expressing a process of constitutive embodiment of a new body scheme. A somatic culture in this context of breast cancer expresses other femininities about the visibility of a body without breasts. Therefore, the recognition of the inequalities produced contributes to a debate on esteem and morality in order to combat gender effects that constrain women to sometimes disguise a body without breasts, either with external prostheses, or to feel obliged to accept the risks of reconstructive surgical procedures with implants.

This work aims to analyze, based on the Science and Technology Studies approaches, the epistemic dimensions of the environmental conflict related to the mining and processing of uranium carried out by Industrias Nucleares do Brasil in Caetité (BA). Since they began in 1999, these activities have been intensely debated, as they would be associated with cancer illnesses among the local population and possible environmental contamination. In this regard, we intend to investigate the relationship between two knowledge regimes: on the one hand, the specialized scientific perspective used by INB; on the other hand, the alternative knowledge produced by local residents and social movements in alliance with independent scientists. Our results indicate that INB science operates in two ways: the first is associated with a supposedly neutral and technocratic practice, which treats environmental contamination as natural and tries to contain suspicions and controversies coming from the local population; the second, typical of “undone science”, is linked to the active production of ignorance that distances Caetité residents from information that would help them better understand the risks to which they are subjected. In contrast, people affected by uranium mining, as well as social movements, indicate a direct link between mining and contamination. In this case, we perceive “counter-expertise” initiatives by activists, which would operate in order to produce, together with independent experts, new evidence and foster debates on neglected issues, filling the gaps left by “undone science”. Based on our data, we propose a conceptual synthesis regarding the various types of expertise, which vary according to the spaces in which they are produced – whether in conventional or independent institutions – and the degree of neutrality or situationality they claim for themselves. We argue, inspired by feminist epistemologies, that science become more potent and acquire a “strong objectivity” by assuming their engagement with subalternized groups. Thus, we emphasize the importance of the participation of people affected by environmental conflicts not only in decision-making processes, but also in the production of knowledge about their situations, which contributes to the democratization of science and technology.

In this thesis we discuss what has come to be called "the problem of naturalism" in sociology, focusing specifically on the question of the causal form of sociological explanation and its similarities and differences with the alleged "standard model" of explanation in the natural sciences. We begin by presenting some variations of the standard model of the naturalistic conception of natural investigation and how it has resulted, in the social sciences, in an epistemological division between methodological monists and dualists - claiming greater or lesser similarity between the methods of the social and natural sciences and causing a series of other debates within the scope of social theory and the philosophy of the social sciences. After presenting general aspects of the epistemological division between methodological monists and dualists, we move more directly into the aim of the thesis, which is to discuss how contemporary sociological authors have tried to deal with the problem of naturalism through an ontological discussion about the nature of the constituent elements of social reality and the nature of sociological explanation. Firstly, we seek to investigate whether and how Anthony Gidden's theory of structuration and his particular understanding of the nature of the relationship between agency and structure helps to clarify the limits of the "problem of naturalism". Giddens' social theory is taken here as an exemplary representative of the advances made by the authors of the European orthodox post-consensus. Despite the advances of structuration theory on this issue, we next explore how the recent formulations of British Critical Realism provide a coherent conceptual framework which, in addition to filling gaps left by previous theories, moves towards clarifying the question of the nature of sociological explanation and the sterility of old oppositions regarding "naturalism". The alternative of Critical Realism is the defense of a particular conception of cause, combined with an epistemological pluralism that is, at the same time, realistic about the objects investigated.

 Police institutions are a crucial part of contemporary social life, and their capillary presence guarantees them a privileged place within the organization of social life. In this sense, this work sought to understand how military policemen from the Operational Tactical Group of two Administrative Regions of the Federal District (Planaltina and Ceilândia) organize their daily work and produce their practical action. The objective of this dissertation, in turn, was about the construction of the concepts of youth, criminality and territory, elaborated by these GTOP policemen. Through field research carried out in the two locations, with the execution of focal groups and interviews, it was possible to realize that police work is built from the symbolic interpretation that the policemen make about these themes, central matter of police action. Finally, throughout the work it was possible to conclude that the interpretations of the policemen are guided by the formation of practical police knowledge, which guides their notions about territory, crime and youth. The understanding of territory is impacted by the apprehension of the concept of public order, just as the notion of crime is also guided by a legalistic notion of reality. In relation to youth, policemen divide the moments of life between childhood, where there is admiration and respect, on the part of children, and youth, which would bring a possible conflictive relationship. However, policemen interpret this relationship with young people from a dualistic key, where the good youngster is seen as someone who likes the police and would not bring conflicts, and the criminal youngster who would confront and not show affection, admiration or even subservience to the police.   

The present study is focus on the construction and validation of a theoretical framework supported fundamentally by the existence of an elective affinity argument, taking in consideration a Weberian sense, between the malevolent and military habitus, a dispositional unfolding of the military spirit. Starting from the possibility caused by the frameworks of meaning in the context of the dictatorship, the practices of repression, extermination and torture were instantiated, resulting in the practical production of banal vile. To understand such forms of meaning, the objective of this study the design sociological of the torturer military, agent of torture during the military regime, as well as better understanding the regime's ideology that legitimized such practices. The objective is, therefore, to problematize the villainy as well as the socio-historical anachronism that usually falls on military torturers, defending a perspective that gives these actors their proper context and dispositions. We also seek to give the “evil” its proper character as a social fact. Furthermore, we end up bringing the debate on morality into sociology by revealing torture as a moral fact and, therefore, as part of the social reality, not to succumb to fatalism or determinism, but bringing this problematic as a internal data of the social reality.

This Thesis analyzes and discusses the construction of legitimacy by trial court criminal judges in the Federal District (DF), Brazil. Based on the contributions of procedural justice theory, the research aimed to identify and describe how this legitimacy is constructed and perceived by judges who work in criminal trial courts in the Federal District. To this end, five categories of analysis are proposed: legal technique, professional relationships, social expectations and images of judge and justice, adherence to organizational values and effectiveness of jurisdictional provision, which were initially associated, in our hypothesis, with self-legitimacy. 10 in-depth interviews were carried out with head and substitute judges working in different courts with competence in criminal law in the Federal District. The discourse analysis points to technique and quality of professional relationships as consistent descriptors of self-legitimacy by the interviewees, while attention to general social expectations, adherence to organizational values and perception of effectiveness serve in a limited way for describing judges’ self-legitimacy. The limits of these last three categories are shown to be related to the counter-majoritarian role of Judicial power, the lack of understanding of organizational values, and to the prevalence of structuring factors, such as the cultivation of a punitive value underlying the exercise of criminal jurisdiction and an immediate view of criminal decisions’ effects handed down on criminal trial courts.

This research, conducted in the marroon community (Quilombo) of Conceição das Crioulas, located in Salgueiro/PE County, analyzes the process of organization of maroon (quilombola) women in the foundation, maintenance and defense of maroon communities. The land/territory is considered and situated as an active subject in the practices, experiences, resistance and (re)existence in the marroon community of Conceição das Crioulas/PE. The research has the foundation of the marroon community in the mid-eighteenth century to the present day as the time frame, a period in which we investigate and take note of the action and protagonism of quilombola women. The research objectives are: (a) to historicize, together with these women, the centrality of the organization and struggle for land/territory and how they combine forces and use female agency to develop political actions in the marroon community; (b) to contribute to break silences regarding the actions of maroon women in their struggle for rights; (c) to reflect together with the women of Conceição das Crioulas, myself being one of them, about how to
produce other meanings for spaces (land/territories) while being grounded in the past (ancestry) and nurturing the present to project the future in a land of women; and (d) to listen to and reflect with these women on the meaning of land/territory so it does not disconsider territorial ancestry, the social  organization and the sense of belonging of maroon men and women. The research showed that: maroon women fight oppression using different strategies; maroon women's organizations feed on epistemologies of thinking-making-living-feeling, which are characteristic of maroon communities; that the political work of maroon women is silenced; that marroon communities are Black and female inventions; that the land/territory is the basis of women's political and organizational work and that the political action of the maroon women of Conceição das Crioulas as a local organization has characteristics of a global political action of women in Brazil, therefore, of a Black maroon feminism that feeds on maroon collective practices. As for the methodology we suggest an innovation and we situate this work as a research shared with these women. Therefore, I used conversation circles and interviews and also visited the farms, artisan groups, the ‘Birthday Girls of the Month’ reunions and a local community garden. Also for the methodology, I exchanged written letters with these women, whatsapp audios and other written materials about the history of struggle and resistance of the Conceição das Crioulas maroon women. This dissertation contributes to studies on maroon communities because it it narrates maroon history from the perspective of maroon women regarding their forms of organization in maroon territories in conversation with Black feminism theories and decolonial studies.